AINA Logo
Publications

 


Foreword : with a sensitive view to the future   /   Hodgson, G.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. iii
ASTIS record 49694
PDF

... To celebrate the 40th anniversary of Arctic we solicited a number of papers. Some were papers of reminiscences; others were scholarly research/review papers. Thus we were fortunate to acquire reminiscences by a number of designers and leaders of the Arctic Institute over the years. ... In addition to the reminiscent papers, we invited a number of scholars to prepare papers entitled "Forty years of ..." to present reflections on a variety of northern topics. These papers were treated as regular manuscripts offered for publication in Arctic, with peer review, revisions and acceptance in the regular way. These papers make up the bulk of this anniversary issue. ...


Guest editorial : a fitting agenda for Arctic's next forty years   /   Berger, T.R.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. v
ASTIS record 49695
PDF

... The ambitions of all of the circumpolar powers - Canada, the U.S., the Soviet Union, the Scandinavian countries - converge in the Arctic. Their activities, now and in the future, threaten the arctic environment. Offshore drilling in arctic waters, diversion of arctic rivers, accumulation of arctic haze can offer enormous risks to arctic marine life and weather systems. ... A concept of collective stewardship must be developed if we are to ensure the protection of the arctic environment. The Reagan administration's determination to open up the calving grounds of the Porcupine caribou herd along the arctic coast of Alaska to oil and gas exploration and production threatens the future of a herd that is an international environmental resource and threatens as well the future of Inuit and Dene villages on both sides of the international boundary. The pursuit of one nation's goals can cause social and environmental havoc. Let's not permit the debate about the Arctic to be cast in terms of sovereignty, of national ambition. We should not allow the sterile goals of the nation-state to define the future of the Arctic. National sovereignty is a limited and limiting concept. Sovereignty is a national issue, stewardship an international issue. Beyond sovereignty comes the concept of stewardship by all of the circumpolar powers over the circumpolar basin. In the Arctic an attempt ought even to be made to transcend the particularities of the Cold War. It is in the Arctic that the survival of the Native subsistence economy is essential; it is there that the place of Native peoples within our polities will be determined; it is there that our commitment to environmental goals and international cooperation will be tested: a fitting agenda for Arctic's next 40 years.


Reminiscences : Arctic geography forty years ago   /   Robinson, J.L.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 239-243
ASTIS record 21280
PDF

Nearly 40 years ago, in 1948, the writer presented a paper entitled "Some Problems of Arctic Geography in Canada" to the annual meeting of the Association of American Geographers. He noted that geographers were just then appearing in Canada and in so doing were encountering the challenge of describing the North. Evaluation and forecasting were difficult. Local geographers were expected to help politicians assess the value of the arctic region in the Canadian economy. Physical geographers had a good deal to do in describing the arctic environment, including the landforms of the mountainous islands and the central lowlands. In the summer of 1947 new information on sea ice from Canadian and American air and sea expeditions gave the first overall picture of sea-ice conditions in the Canadian Arctic. In 1948, economic geographers were to be concerned with the distribution and utilization of natural resources. Experts concerned with administration were to consider administrative division of the North into an Eastern and Western Arctic, along with a third region, the far northern Arctic Islands. Changes in the lives of Canadian Eskimo had already taken place as "civilization advanced into the Arctic." In the field of human geography, "a geographer had a natural laboratory in the Canadian Arctic" where "the environment offered little, the choices were few, the utilization was direct." Forty years later, the author still believes that the Arctic will play only a minor role in the future development of Canada.

Il y a près de 40 ans, l'auteur a présenté un article intitulé « Some Problems of Arctic Geography in Canada » à l'assemblée annuelle de l'Association of American Geographers. Il faisait remarquer que les géographes, vu leur toute récente apparition au Canada, avaient à faire face au défi de décrire le Nord. Il leur était difficile de faire des évaluations et des prévisions. On attendait des géographes locaux qu'ils aident les politiciens à estimer la valeur de la région arctique dans l'économie canadienne. Les géographes physiques avaient beaucoup à faire pour décrire l'environnement arctique, y compris la forme du terrain des îles montagneuses et des basses terres centrales. Pendant l'été de 1947, de nouveaux renseignements sur la glace marine, recueillis par des expéditions aériennes et maritimes venant du Canada et des États-Unis, donnèrent la première vue d'ensemble sur l'état de la glace marine dans l'Arctique canadien. En 1948, des géographes économiques devaient se préoccuper de la répartition et de l'utilisation des ressources naturelles. Des experts intéressés par les questions administratives devaient considérer la division du Nord en Arctique de l'est et Arctique de l'ouest, avec en plus une troisième région, l'archipel Arctique du Grand Nord. Des changements étaient déjà survenus dans la vie des esquimaux canadiens alors que « la civilisation progressait dans l'Arctique. » Dans le domaine de la géographie humaine, « le géographe trouvait un laboratoire naturel dans l'Arctique » où « l'environnement avait peu à offrir, les choix étaient restreints et l'utilisation directe. » Quarante ans plus tard, l'auteur croit toujours que l'Arctique ne jouera qu'un rôle mineur dans le développement futur du Canada.


Reminiscences : The Arctic Institute in the 1960s   /   Reed, J.C.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 244-248, ill.
ASTIS record 21281
PDF

The author was the executive director of the Arctic Institute from 1961 until 1968 and his reminiscences deal with some of the financial problems and practices of the Institute during his term. Clearly, during his time in office, the provision of financial support for the organization was a dominant concern of the board and of the director. The increase in arctic interest and involvement in both Canada and the United States a little before and into the 1960s pushed the Institute toward an emphasis on service-type activities. The author was convinced of the growing importance of the Arctic to Canada and the United States. He was impressed by the stature of the members of the Board of Governors and others with whom he worked, and obviously he enjoyed directing the organization and felt that it contributed to a real and increasing need.

L'auteur a été directeur exécutif de l'Institut arctique de l'Amérique du Nord de 1961 à 1968, et il évoque un certain nombre de problèmes financiers et de pratiques de l'Institut au cours de son mandat. À cette époque, le Conseil et le directeur étaient de toute évidence, surtout préoccupés par la recherche d'un support financier pour cet organisme. Un intérêt accru en ce qui concernait l'Arctique, ainsi que la double implication du Canada et des États-Unis dans cette région, à fin des années 50 et dans les années 60 ont obligé l'Institut à mettre l'accent sur des activités reliées aux services. L'auteur était convaincu de l'importance croissante de l'Arctique pour le Canada et les États-Unis. Il était très impressionné par la stature des membres du Conseil des Gouverneurs et celle d'autres personnes avec qui il travaillait, et il était fier de diriger cet organisme dont l'importance se faisait de plus en plus sentir.


Reminiscences : 1965 to 1975 - ten years of decline and change   /   Love, H.W.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 249-251
ASTIS record 21282
PDF

This article covers the impressions and conclusions derived from ten years as a director of the Arctic Institute. It touches on some successful activities but chiefly dwells on what went wrong and why contraction and a change of venue and character were forced upon it.

Dans cet article, le directeur de l'Institut arctique décrit ses impressions et tire des conclusions sur les dix années qu'il a passé à ce poste. Il touche certaines activités qui ont été une réussite, mais s'attarde surtout à ce qui n'a pas marché et aux raisons qui ont obligé à réduire la taille de l'Institut ainsi qu'à le replacer et à modifier ses politiques.


Reminiscences : AINA - 1979-86, a time of transition   /   Schledermann, P.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 252-253
ASTIS record 21283
PDF

Since its inception the Arctic Institute has experienced many difficult episodes, not the least of which was the upheaval caused by the move from Montreal to Calgary. In 1979 AINA became an institute of the University of Calgary and embarked upon yet another time of transition.

Dès ses débuts, l'Institut arctique a connu bien des périodes difficiles. L'une d'entre elles, et non la moindre, a été le bouleversement dû au déménagement de l'Institut de Montréal à Calgary. En 1979, l'Institut arctique de l'Amérique du Nord est devenu un institut de l'Université de Calgary, et est entré dans une nouvelle époque de transition.


Binational, multidisciplinary and evolutionary : Arctic's tradition and the future of the Arctic Institute   /   Robinson, M.P.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 254-257, ill.
ASTIS record 21284
PDF

In its 40 years of continuous quarterly publication, the journal Arctic has traced the intellectual history of Canadian and American northern science as driven by concerns for a variety for northern topics, including political systems, natural resources, military activities, cultural change, sovereignty assertion and natural science. Clearly, the future of northern scholarship deeply involves integrated polar information systems and some kind of centrally recognized polar institute entraining binationalism, a multidisciplinary approach and systematic circumpolar publication. Self-governing, self-reliant and land-owning tribal councils in Alaska, Yukon and the Northwest Territories will provide a further impetus to northern research beyond that already in place for 40 years, based largely upon renewable and non-renewable natural resources. The founding principles of the Institute will serve it well in the context of northern scholarship in the 1990s and 2000s, drawing support from recent Canadian and American evaluations of arctic science policy.

Durant ses 40 ans de publication trimestrielle ininterrompue, le journal Arctic a retracé l'évolution intellectuelle des études canadiennes et américaines sur le Nord. Ces études étaient motivées par des préoccupations qui se rattachaient à divers thèmes du Grand Nord comme le système politique, les ressources naturelles, l'activité militaire, le changement culturel, la question de la souveraineté et les sciences naturelles. Il est clair que l'avenir de la science du Grand Nord repose en très grande partie sur des systèmes d'information polaire intégrés et sur une sorte d'institut polaire centralement reconnu qui favoriserait un bi-nationalisme, une approche multidisciplinaire et des publications recouvrant toute la zone circumpolaire. Les conseils des tribus auto-gouvernées, auto-suffisantes et propriétaires des terres en Alaska, au Yukon et dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest donneront un nouvel élan à la recherche dans le Grand Nord en plus de celle qui existe depuis 40 ans, à partir surtout des ressources renouvelables et non renouvelables. Les fondements de l'Institut continueront d'être valables dans le contexte des études nordiques durant les années 90 et au-delà, vu qu'ils ont été confirmés par de récentes évaluations faites par le Canada et les États-Unis sur les politiques de l'étude de l'Arctique.


Forty years of northern natural science   /   Scudder, G.G.E.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 258-273, ill.
ASTIS record 21285
PDF

In a review of some of the research activities in the North over the past 40 years, with special reference to the arctic areas of Canada and Alaska, we find that most of the objectives outlined in the early 1950s have been achieved. We now know much more about the plants, terrestrial arthropods, freshwater ecology, marine ecology and terrestrial vertebrates. We have at least a conceptual view of how the different organisms fit together in the natural arctic ecosystem. The ecosystems appear to be rather simple and relatively stable, but do not have unlimited resilience.

Une recension des activités de recherche qui a eu lieu dans le Nord au cours des 40 dernières années, tout particulièrement dans les régions arctiques du Canada et de l'Alaska, montre que la plupart des objectifs définis au début des années 50 ont été atteints. Nous en savons maintenant beaucoup plus sur les plantes, les arthropodes terrestres et l'écologie de l'eau douce et de l'eau de mer ainsi que sur les vertébrés terrestres. Nous saisissons, au moins au niveau des concepts, la façon dont les divers organismes s'imbriquent dans l'écosystème naturel de l'Arctique. Les écosystèmes paraissent plutôt simples et relativement stables, bien que n'ayant pas une résistance à toute épreuve.


Forty years of northern non-renewable natural resource development   /   Nassichuk, W.W.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 274-284, maps
ASTIS record 21286
PDF

Northern Canada is endowed with abundant non-renewable natural resources, and exploration and development of those resources have increased steadily since World War II. Particularly during the past 20 years new regulatory controls have been emplaced in response to elevated concerns about the possible impact of resource development on the environment. During the past 40 years gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, nickel, asbestos, tungsten, uranium, coal and other minor commodities have been produced from more than 30 mines in the northern mainland, but at the present time only 6 mines are producing gold, silver, lead and zinc in that area: Con, Giant Yellowknife, Echo Bay, Mount Skukum, United Keno Hill and Faro mines. Lead and zinc are being produced at the world's most northerly mine. Polaris, on Little Cornwallis Island, and lead, zinc and silver are mined at Nanisivik on Baffin Island. At least 375 oil and gas wells have been drilled north of the Arctic Circle in the northern mainland since 1947, and 42 oil and gas fields have been discovered in the Beaufort Sea-Mackenzie Delta area alone. Total discovered and undiscovered resources in the latter area approximate 2131 billion m³ gas and 1.35 billion m³ oil. From 1961, 176 wells were drilled in the Arctic Islands and 17 oil and gas fields were discovered. Discovered and undiscovered resources approximate 2257 billion m³ gas and 686 million m³ oil.

Le nord du Canada a l'avantage de contenir des quantités abondantes de ressources naturelles non renouvelables, et la recherche ainsi que la mise en valeur de ces ressources ont augmenté continuellement depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Lors des dernières vingt années en particulier, de nouvelles réglementations de contrôle ont été mises en place pour répondre aux inquiétudes grandissantes concernant les retombées possibles de la mise en valeur des ressources naturelles sur l'environnement. Au cours des 40 dernières années, plus de 30 mines situées sur le continent nordique, ont produit de l'or, de l'argent, du cuivre, du plomb, du zinc, du nickel, de l'amiante, du tungstène, de l'uranium, du charbon et d'autres marchandises de moindre importance. À l'heure actuelle cependant, 6 mines seulement produisent de l'or, de l'argent, du plomb et du zinc dans cette région. Ce sont les mines de Con, Giant Yellowknife, Echo Bay, Mount Skukum, United Keno Hill et Faro. La mine Polaris, la plus septentrionale au monde, dans l'île Little Cornwallis, produit du plomb et du zinc, tandis que la mine de Nanisivik dans la Terre de Baffin produit du plomb, du zinc et de l'argent. Au moins 375 puits de gaz et de pétrole ont été forés au nord de cercle arctique sur le continent depuis 1847, et 42 champs pétroliers et gaziers ont été découverts dans la seule région de la mer de Beaufort et du delta du Mackenzie. Le total des ressources découvertes et non découvertes est proche de 2131 milliards de m³ de gaz et 1,35 milliards de m³ de pétrole. De 1961 à 1986, 175 puits ont été forés dans l'archipel Arctique, et 17 champs pétroliers et gaziers y ont été découverts. Les ressources découvertes et non découvertes y atteignent près de 2257 milliards de m³ de gaz et 686 millions de m³ de pétrole.


Forty years of Canadian sovereignty assertion in the Arctic, 1947-87   /   Bankes, N.D.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 285-291
ASTIS record 21287
PDF

Threats of objections to Canadian claims to sovereignty and to the exercise of sovereign rights by Canada in the Arctic Islands was not unchallengeable. Canadian concerns focused on the desire of the United States to establish weather stations in the Arctic with or without Canadian support. By the early 1950s, and with bilateral agreements with the United States on the DEW Line and BMEWS, Canadian terrestrial sovereignty was beyond question. Canadian maritime claims continued to be contested during the balance of the period. These claims have taken the form of functional jurisdiction over pollution, an historic title to the waters of the archipelago and the rejection of an "international" status for the waters of the Northwest Passage. Canadian maritime claims in the Arctic have not been consistently formulated or consistently pursued by the Canadian government during the period due to an evolving international law of the sea and American objections. The Canadian position on functional jurisdiction over pollution has been vindicated by the Law of the Sea Convention, but there continue to be significant doubts as to the status of the archipelagic waters.

Au cours des 40 ans qui ont suivi la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis ont été à les instigateurs de menaces et d'objections envers le Canada quand celui-ci a déclaré ses droits à la souveraineté dans l'Arctique, ou quand il a voulu les y exercer. Juste après la guerre, la souveraineté du Canada sur des régions peu importantes de l'archipel Arctique était loin d'être confirmée. Les Canadiens s'inquiétaient surtout de l'intention des États-Unis d'installer des stations météorologiques dans l'Arctique avec ou sans leur accord. Au début des années 50, les accords bi-latéraux du réseau DEW (Réseau d'alerte avancé) et du système BMEWS (Système d'alerte avancé pour les missiles balistiques) entre Canada et États-Unis, venaient confirmer la souveraineté territoriale du Canada. Les droits à la souveraineté maritime continuèrent cependant d'être remis en question pendant le reste de cette époque. Leur affirmation s'est manifestée sous la forme d'une juridiction administrative sur la pollution, d'un titre historique pour les eaux de l'Archipel, et du rejet du statut d'eaux « internationales » pour le passage du Nord-Ouest. Les droits à la souveraineté maritime du Canada dans l'Arctique n'ont pas été formulés ou exercés avec cohérence par le gouvernement canadien à cause de l'évolution des lois maritimes internationales et des objections américaines pendant cette période. La position canadienne concernant la juridiction administrative sur la pollution a été justifiée par la Convention du droit de la mer, mais de grands doutes subsistent quant au statut des eaux de l'archipel.


Forty years of military activity in the Canadian north, 1947-87   /   Eyre, K.C.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 292-299
ASTIS record 21288
PDF

Military and strategic perceptions of the North have changed several times during the 20th century. Initially, the North was simply ignored: later - by the mid-1939s - it was perceived as a strategic barrier more formidable than either the Atlantic or Pacific oceans. During the Second World War and the Cold War, with the views of the United States in the dominance, the area was seen as an approach, initially to Europe and Asia, and later to the heartland of North America. In contemporary Canada, the North is seen as having intrinsic value and as such is deserving to be watched over, protected and, if necessary, defended. Military forces have been involved periodically in the North since the days of the Klondike Gold Rush in 1898. The intensity and degree of this involvement has reflected the changing perceptions of the North. Military presence can be analyzed as relating to defence, protection of sovereignty and national development, although naturally many specific programs have overlapped. American involvement, starting with the United States entry into World War II and continuing into the present, has been extensive but primarily concerned with defence. Military activity has been a significant factor in the development of northern infrastructure both as deliberate national development programs and as the by-product of defence-related construction activities. While the military has had a considerable impact on the North, the northern fact has had surprisingly little impact upon the Canadian military. The Canadian Forces are just beginning to comprehend the unique aspects of the North and to develop policies and programs appropriate to contemporary northern realities and the assigned military responsibility to be Custos Borealis - Keeper of the North.

Notre conception du Nord du point de vue militaire et stratégique a souvent changée au cours du vingtième siècle. Au début du siècle, le Nord n'avait guère d'importance sur le plan militaire; plus tard - vers le milieu des années trente - on y voyait une barrière stratégique plus difficile à franchir que les deux océans. À l'époque de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, les Américains voyaient le Nord comme un pont à travers lequel on pourrait atteindre l'Europe et l'Asie. Mais plus tard, lors de la guerre froide, on craignait que les Russes n'attinssent par ce même chemin le cœur de l'Amérique. Actuellement, au Canada, nous affirmons que le Nord a sa valeur intrinsèque, et qu'il doit être surveillé, protégé si nécessaire. Les forces militaires s'engagent de temps en temps au Nord depuis l'époque de la ruée vers l'or du Klondike en 1898. L'évolution qu'a subie notre conception du Nord trouve son reflet dans l'intensité et le degré de cet engagement. La présence militaire peut s'analyser en raison de la défense, de la protection de notre souveraineté et du développement national, bien que, naturellement, beaucoup de programmes individuels se chevauchent. Le rôle des États-Unis au Nord, débutant lors de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale pour continuer jusqu'au présent, fut important surtout en ce qui concerne la défense. L'engagement militaire dans le Nord canadien a beaucoup contribué au développement de cette région, par des programmes de développement national, ainsi que par ses activités de construction ne visant pas nécessairement le développement régional. Tandis que le militaire a beaucoup apporté au développement du Nord, le Nord n'a eu que très peu d'effet sur les activités du militaire. Les Forces canadiennes ne font que commencer à comprendre que le Nord présente des aspects uniques qui méritent le développement de politiques et programmes appropriés, et que le militaire doit se charger des responsabilités du Custos Borealis - le Gardien du Nord.


Forty years of cultural change among the Inuit in Alaska, Canada and Greenland : some reflections   /   Stenbaek, M.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 300-309, ill.
ASTIS record 21289
PDF

The peoples in the arctic regions have experienced unprecedented cultural change in the last 40 years. The Dene, Metis, Samis, Athapaskans, Inuit and other aboriginal people in these regions have all seen their traditional lifestyles altered dramatically with the increased influx of southern peoples, with their baggage of modern technology, bureaucracy and assorted economic/political social cultural systems. This paper focuses on the Inuit regions of Alaska, northern Canada and Greenland, for the Inuit have experienced more cultural changes since 1945 than in any other concentrated time span before. Although the changes have often resulted in great human tragedies, such as suicide epidemics and alcoholism, many positive changes have also occurred, as shown by major events in the three Inuit regions examined, as well as the establishment of some cultural and educational institutions. The paper draws on interviews with contemporary Inuit leaders. It concludes that the Inuit culture is now in the process of being re-affirmed and will indeed be of increasing worldwide importance as the Arctic emerges as a new international and transnational region.

Les peuples des régions arctiques ont subi des mutations culturelles sans précédent depuis quarante ans. Les Dene, les Métis, les Samis, les Athapaskans, les Inuit et d'autres peuples aborigènes de ces régions ont tous subi une modification spectaculaire de leurs modes de vie traditionnels devant l'afflux de gens de Sud débarqués avec leur bagage de techniques modernes, de bureaucratie et de systèmes économiques/politiques/sociaux/culturels assortis. Le présent article se concentre sur les régions de l'Alaska, du Nord du Canada et du Groënland peuplées par les Inuit, car ces derniers ont subi plus de changements culturels depuis 1945 que jamais auparavant. Même si ces changements se sont souvent traduits par de grandes tragédies humaines, comme des épidémies de suicide et un taux d'alcoolisme élevé, il en est également résulté quantité de changements positifs. L'auteur analyse certains des événements majeurs qui se sont produits dans ces trois régions peuplées par les Inuit ainsi que l'implantation de certains établissements culturels et éducatifs. L'article s'inspire d'entrevues menées auprès de dirigeants inuit contemporains. Sa conclusion est que la culture inuit est en passe de se réaffirmer et revêtira de plus en plus d'importance à l'échelon mondial tandis que l'Arctique émerge comme nouvelle région internationale et trans-nationale.


Canadian contradictions : Forty years of northern political development   /   Abele, F.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 310-320
ASTIS record 21290
PDF

Postwar northern political history is interpreted as a compressed reiteration of older patterns of Canadian development. It is argued that Native people and northerners have reacted to two contradictory tendencies in the Canadian constitutional tradition: liberal individualism and Tory top-down pragmatism. The general argument is that understanding current northern debates in this way exposes some grounds for long-term optimism about aboriginal and territorial self-government.

On interprète l'histoire politique du Nord depuis la dernière guerre comme la répétition, en accéléré, des schémas antérieurs de développement du Canada. L'auteur soutient que les indigènes et les habitants du Nord ont réagi à deux tendances contradictoires dans la tradition constitutionnelle du Canada, à savoir l'individualisme des libéraux et le pragmatisme des conservateurs qui s'exerçait de haut en bas. L'idée générale est de démontrer qu'à partir de cette ligne de pensée, la compréhension des débats actuels sur le Nord débouche sur un optimisme à long terme quant à un auto-gouvernement aborigène et territorial.


Forty years of Arctic : The journal of the Arctic Institute of North America   /   Harrison, R.   Hodgson, G.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 321-345, ill.
ASTIS record 21291
PDF

When the Arctic Institute of North America was established in 1945 as a membership institution, it was understood that the membership expected the Institute to publish a journal. It appeared for the first time in 1948, as Arctic, The Journal of the Arctic Institute of North America, and has been published continuously for 40 years since then. It is now a leading academic journal publishing research papers from a variety of disciplines on a wide range of subjects dealing with the Arctic. Over the 40 years it published 40 volumes comprising 1231 research papers and other related material. The present study reports a content analysis of the 1231 papers revealing that trends over the last 40 years of research in the North were guided by the economic and academic pressures of the day for northern research. The bulk of papers in the 40 years involved three major areas: biological sciences, earth sciences and social sciences. The proportion of research papers in earth sciences showed a decline, accompanied by a strong growth in biological science papers and a modest growth in social science papers. Over the 40 years, subjects sited in the Canadian Arctic always dominated, with a steady growth from 23% of the total papers per volume to 42%. In particular, significant increases in the numbers of papers in the last 10 years came from resource-related work in the North, as well as from political, educational, cultural and sovereignty-related research. Research in the North leading to publication in Arctic was conducted largely by biologists and earth scientists. Canadian and American authors accounted for most of the papers, with the proportion being roughly equal. ... Numbers of manuscripts received by Arctic increased steadily over the years .... Acceptance rates declined slightly over the years to the present rate of 60%. ...

Quand l'Institut arctique de l'Amérique du Nord fut établi en 1945, en tant qu'organisme composé de membres, il était entendu que l'Institut devait publier un journal. Il parut pour la première fois en 1948 sous le nom de Arctic, The Journal of the Arctic Institute of North America, et il a été publié sans interruption depuis 40 ans. C'est maintenant un journal académique de premier plan, qui publie des articles de recherche dans diverses disciplines sur des sujets très variés se rapportant à l'Arctique. Au cours de ces 40 années, le journal a publié 40 volumes comprenant 1231 articles de recherche et d'autres documents connexes. La présente étude offre une analyse du contenu des 1231 articles, qui révèle qu'au cours des 40 dernières années, les sujets de recherche dans le Nord ont été influencés par les pressions économiques et académiques de l'heure. La majorité des articles publiés au cours de ces 40 ans couvrent trois domaines principaux : les sciences biologiques, les sciences de la terre et les sciences sociales. L'analyse montre une diminution de la proportion des articles de recherche sur les sciences de la terre, accompagnée d'une forte augmentation du nombre d'articles sur les sciences biologiques et d'une augmentation modeste de ceux sur les sciences sociales. Pendant ces 40 ans, les sujets situés dans l'Arctique canadien ont toujours dominé, avec une croissance soutenue de 23% à 42% des articles par volume. En particulier, l'augmentation importante du nombre d'articles dans les 10 dernières années est due aux travaux reliés aux ressources naturelles dans le Nord, ainsi qu'aux recherches sur les questions de politique, d'éducation, de culture et de souveraineté. La recherche dans le Nord qui a donné lieu à des publications dans Arctic a été menée en grande partie par des biologistes et des spécialistes en sciences de la terre. Les auteurs canadiens et américains ont été responsables de la majorité des articles, en proportions à peu près égales. Le nombre d'auteurs américains est resté presque constant au cours des 40 années, tandis que celui des auteurs canadiens a légèrement augmenté. Pendant la même période, le nombre de pages et le nombre d'articles par volume ont augmenté et ils atteignent maintenant respectivement environ 400 et 45. Les articles sont devenus plus courts durant ces 40 années, et le nombre d'auteurs part article s'est accru continuellement pour atteindre 1,8 vers la fin de cette période. Le nombre de manuscrits reçus par Arctic a augmenté de façon continue au cours des années, sauf lors d'une interruption causée par le déménagement de l'Institut de Montréal à Calgary. Le taux d'acceptation a diminué légèrement pendant cette période jusqu'au taux actuel de 60%. La plupart des auteurs ayant publié dans Arctic n'ont écrit qu'un seul article et 14 auteurs en ont écrit plus de 5. On peut considérer Arctic comme une publication viable car elle est un véhicule unique en son genre qui permet de faire circuler des informations multidisciplinaires sur un grand nombre de sujets reliés au Nord.


David Thompson (1770-1857)   /   Belyea, B.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 346-347, 1 map
ASTIS record 32862
PDF

David Thompson's cartographic achievement is still one of Canada's best-kept secrets, even though the maps of this patient and determined surveyor were the first accurate and complete representations of the country. That Thompson's work should have been ignored so long and so completely would appear to be due to the circumstances of its first reception - circumstances intimately bound up withepolitics and the fortunes of the fur trade in the early nineteenthecentury. ... Thompson was greatly impressed by Mackenzie's daring voyages beyond the Athabaska region to the Beaufort Sea and the west coast, .... Thompson also admired Vancouver's scrupulous surveys, and he resolved to chart the vast areas from Lake Winnipeg to the Pacific. ... More than ten years were to pass before Thompson arrived at the moutheof the Columbia River, in July 1811. During this time he solved the puzzle of theColumbia, which had left botheMackenzie and Fraser mystified, and charted the tortuous routes of the Pacific watershed from the source of the Columbia River to the Snake and Willamette rivers near its mouth. ... Negotiations to run the border through the Oregon Territory, explored as much by Thompson as by Lewis and Clark, prompted him to offer the information he had to the British side. As soon as he had time, he recalculated all his courses, reworked his observations, and drew new maps showing this area. A first set of maps sent to the Foreign Office in 1826 was followed by a second, covering a larger area, in 1843. They met withethe same complete indifference. Thompson then petitioned the Earl of Aberdeen, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. On the advice of Arrowsmith, Lord Aberdeen refused him all but a token remuneration. ... Historians subsequent neglect of Thompson's achievement as a surveyor and mapmaker may well originate in the combined indifference of Simpson, Arrowsmith, and Aberdeen. Official channels were closed to Thompson, bothein the fur trade and in the government, and as everyone knows, institutions and organizations write history, even that of individuals. Certainly there is irony in the fact that Thompson the narrator is more esteemed than Thompson the cartographer. ... He himself feared neglect of his life work and wrote of "the mass of scientific materials in my hands, of surveys, of astronomical observations, drawings of the countries, sketches and measurements of the Mountains &c &c &c, all soon to perish in oblivion." Fortunately, however, this "mass of scientific materials" has not perished: it is merely in eclipse, waiting in various archives for interest in Thompson to bring it to light.


Thomas Simpson (1808-1840)   /   Neatby, L.H.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 348-349, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32863
PDF

Thomas Simpson was born in the north of Scotland and graduated from the University of Aberdeen with more than competence. He was enrolled in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, and in the New World he exemplified the popular conception of the clever academic launched into society. He expressed the utmost contempt for his colleagues and in a letter assured his brother Alexander that his talents would secure him speedy advancement. This arrogance made him most unpopular in the service and caused George Simpson, in doubt of his kinsman's fitness to command, to appoint Chief Factor Peter Warren Dease to lead the expedition that he was planning to extend the northern coastal survey earlier initiated by John Franklin and John Richardson. Although the leadership escaped him, Thomas Simpson was made responsible for the actual survey work, an arrangement that worked admirably. ... Simpson proved his zeal and adaptability on this 1837 assignment. When the boats were blocked by ice, he took to the shore to do the work on foot; on seeing that the ice had receded, he borrowed an umiak to finish the work. No one applauded his success more than himself: "Mine alone is the victory," he wrote. "Dease is an unworthy, indolent, illiterate soul." In the next season - 1838 - when an eastward thrust from Point Turnagain was halted by ice, Simpson landed and added 160 km to the map on foot. The summer of 1839 proved more friendly. They sailed through Simpson Strait, which divided King William Island from the continent, passed the estuary of Back's Fish River - to become grimly memorable 15 years later - and reached Boothia Isthmus at the mouth of the Castor and Polux River. The ruthless Simpson still did not spare the boat crews; overruling the kindly Dease, he slowed the return voyage to map parts of th south shores of King William and Victoria islands, forcing the crews to ascend the Mackenzie River in sub-zero weather with ice masses already floating downstream. ... On the American prairie, Simpson met a violent death that has never been fully explained. ... Asked one evening whether they should encamp, he answered moodily that "that was just as the others chose." They were pitching the tent when Simpson shot two of them with his double-barrelled gun. He came forward declaring that he had done no wrong, that they had plotted to murder him. The two who remained mounted their horses and galloped off to join a wagon train that was not far behind. The next day one of them returned with four men who testified that they found two bodies lying in the open, while Simpson was stretched in his tent with the top of his head blown off. ....


Richard King (1810-1876)   /   Wallace, H.N.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 350-351, maps
ASTIS record 32864
PDF

Dr. Richard King was an explorer, geographer, and ethnologist who commented discerningly upon much that happened in arctic exploration in the period 1833-1869. The Cassandra of this period, he prophesied accurately a good deal of the arctic map and of arctic happenings without, however, gaining public acceptance for his predictions. ... He also showed an interest in Amerindians and the Inuit and contributed in this regard to the Ethnological Journal. ... Using a combination of geographical data (some of his own discernment) and anthropological and other reasoning, King produced a remarkable sketch map of the Arctic as he saw it, which had a number of correct and newly visualized features, and which contrasted sharply with the Navy's current view of the Arctic. For example, just as he had once trusted direct information from the Inuit cultures and their distribution in order to recognize a more northerly passage. In our own day, some of King's views have been borne out by archaeological findings on Greenland and Ellesmere Island. ... It is typical of Richard King's role in the arctic story that there is no known portrait of him. Faceless himself in the extant records so far as we know them, he had delineated or anticipated much of the topography of the Canadian Arctic. He had gone to that region only once, and yet had perceived and forecast much that was accurate in regard to its map and to events in the unrolling of it. His work on the Arctic still helps us to understand what other explorers had done - and failed to do - in discovery of the region. Indeed, had King not existed, perhaps "someone would have had to invent him," so as to shed light upon certain arctic realities of which King had been very aware and of which most of his contemporaries had not been. He had predicted the existence of Queen Maud Gulf, the peninsularity of Boothia, the insularity of King William Island, both a coastal and a more northern Northwest Passage, and a superiority of the latter over the former as a navigable channel. He had warned against Back's ill-fated expedition of 1836 and the still more ill-fated Franklin expedition of 1845; he had also predicted (perhaps his most famous forecast) where the lost Franklin expedition would be found and what the causes of its loss might be. The Cassandra of arctic exploration in its greatest era, his fate had been to know and prophesy future arctic events and future knowledge of the Arctic without, however, the public believing his prophesies until much later, when there was a tendency to forget that it was he who had made them in the first place.


Francis Leopold McClintock (1819-1907)   /   Barr, W.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 352-353, 2 ports.
ASTIS record 32865
PDF

Born in County Louth, Ireland, on 8 July 1819, the son of the head of the customs office at Dundalk, Leopold McClintock first went to sea aboard HMS Samarang as a first-class volunteer at the age of 12. Over the next 14 years, he slowly made his way up through the system, seeing service in such diverse places as the Gulf of California, Brazil, the Irish Sea, the Channel, the Caribbean, Newfoundland, Burmuda, and the Rio de la Plata. He was made lieutenant on 29 July 1845. ... In the spring of 1851, McClintock led one of the many sledge parties that fanned out from the ships. Leaving the ships on 15 April, he headed west along the south coasts of Cornwallis, Bathurst, Byam Martin, and Melville islands and reached Cape James Ross, situated on the southwest tip of Melville Island. Rounding the shores of Dundas Peninsula, he then cut back across that peninsula to the south coast before he headed for home, reaching the ships on 4 July. He had covered a distance of 1,240 km in 80 days. ... In the spring of 1853, McClintock led a party that achieved the distinction of making one of the two longest man-hauled sledge trips accomplished in the Canadian Arctic. McClintock crossed the "waist" of Melville Island to Hecla and Griper Bay, then coasted west to the island's northwest tips. Crossing Fitzwilliam Strait, he discovered and explored Prince Patrick Island, as well as the north coasts of Eglinton Island and the west and south coasts of Emerald Isle. In total he covered 2,125 km in l05 days. This record would be surpassed only by Lieutenant George Mecham's journey of 2,138 km in 84 days in the spring of 1854. ... He will be remembered by history as the man who refined the technique of arctic exploration of man-hauling to an amazingly high degree, despite the staggering inherent limitations of the technique, and as the man who solved - as far as it ever has been - the mystery of the fate of the Franklin expedition.


Robert J. Flaherty (1884-1951)   /   Essner, J.   Ruby, J.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 4, Dec. 1987, p. 354-355, ill.
ASTIS record 32866
PDF

Robert J. Flaherty is probably best remembered for his first film, Nanook of the North. Less well known are his experiences as an arctic prospector-explorer on the Mackenzie expeditions and the exploration of the remote Belcher Islands. ... His love for a primitive, unsophisticated way of life developed early, and as a young man, Flaherty persued a career as explorer, prospector, and railroader. He worked in a Michigan copper mine and for the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway, and he prospected for marble on Vancouver Island and for iron ore at Lake Huron and the Mattagami River. It was while his father was employed by Mackenzie and Mann in Toronto that Flaherty met Sir William Mackenzie. ... It was Mackenzie's judgment of men and his receptiveness to new ideas that helped start Flaherty on his career as a filmmaker. ... from the Inuit ... Flaherty learned of the Belcher islands. Their descriptions led him to believe he would find mineral deposits there. He reported his findings to Mackenzie, who excitedly asked him to make a second expedition. Flaherty set out on this 19-month-long expedition in 1911. ... During the summer of 1912 he made a cross-section of an area of over 30 million hectares. Upon returning to Lower Canada, he again reported his findings to Mackenzie. Although at the time his survey results were thought to be mineralogically unimportant and economically unfeasible to work, their significance was later realized. Mackenzie, impressed by the Inuit tales, insisted Flaherty should go to the Belcher Islands by proper ship. ... Early in 1914 Flaherty began filming Inuit women, igloo building, conjuring dances, sledging, and seal hunting. ... In 1920 Flaherty met Captain Thierry Mallet of Revillon Freres, who agreed to finance a filmmaking expedition to the company's sub-arctic fur trading post, Port Harrison on Cape Dufferin. Departing in August 1920, he travelled up the Innusuk River with a group of Inuit who had agreed to participate in the project. He filmed under the harshest of circumstances for man, camera, and film, journeying as far as 960 km to shoot a bear-hunting scene. He returned home in August 1921. Nanook of the North (1920-1921) was the beginning of Flaherty's filmmaking career. His passion to communicate his experiences resulted in other films, in all of which a recurrent theme occurs: through their struggle with nature, human beings are purified, cleansed, and achieve maturity and dignity. ... His achievements under incredibly severe hardships assure his place not only in the history of Canada, but of the world. As an arctic explorer, Flaherty's contributions were significant. Today, untold wealth is mined in Ungava and the Belchers. As a filmmaker, Flaherty's contributions were monumental, creating a documentary film tradition that continues to engage audiences and to influence filmmakers.


© Arctic Institute of North America. Records from this database may be used freely for research and educational purposes, but may not be used to create databases or publications for distribution outside your own organization without prior permission from ASTIS.