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Maps of the Arctic Basin sea floor. Part II : bathymetry and gravity of the Alpha Ridge : the 1983 CESAR Expedition   /   Weber, J.R.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 1-15, ill., maps
ASTIS record 20212
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The general scarcity of geophysical data in the Arctic Ocean Basin and the lack of knowledge about the evolution of the Amerasia Basin and of the nature and origin of the Alpha Ridge led, in 1983, to the undertaking of a multidisciplinary polar expedition, code-named CESAR 83 for Canadian Expedition to Study the Alpha Ridge. The expedition was supported by the Canadian Armed Forces, first by parachuting 18 airborne engineers onto the CESAR site to build a 1.6 km long airstrip on the pack ice, and then by deploying and two months later evacuating the expedition by military Hercules aircraft. .... One of the major CESAR accomplishments was a regional bathymetric and gravity survey over the Ellesmere Island continental shelf and eastern part of the Alpha Ridge. Using the CESAR data as well as all publicly available data collected over the past 35 years, 100 contour interval bathymetric maps and 5 mGal contour intervale gravity free-air anomaly maps were compiled. These extend from the Ellesmere Island coast to the 116° W meridian. The sea floor maps depict the Alpha Ridge as a very broad mountain complex of rugged topography with ridges and valleys trending parallel to the ridge axis. ... Elliptically shaped positive anomalies centered over the continental shelf break suggest that the continental margin adjacent to the Alpha Ridge has the typical Atlantic-type structure characteristic of the rest of the North American polar margin. Preliminary interpretation of the gravity field indicates that the Alpha Ridge crust is composed of very thick rocks of laterally uniform density and composition. It is suggested that the eastern part of the Alpha Ridge may be a massive accumulation of mafic rocks of probable oceanic origin formed by volcanic activity. This article is identified as Part II of a series on "Maps of the Arctic Basin Sea Floor" and is preceded by a "A History of Bathymetry and its Interpretation" (Webster, 1983).

La rareté générale des données géophysiques recueillies dans le bassin de l'océan Arctique et la nécessité d'élargir les connaissances sur l'évolution du bassin de l'Amériasie et sur la nature et l'origine de la dorsale Alpha ont amené les scientifiques à réaliser, en 1983, une expédition polaire pluridisciplinaire codifiée « CESAR 83 » à partir de son appellation anglaise « Canadian Expedition to Study the Alpha Ridge » (Expédition canadienne chargée d'étudier la dorsale Alpha). Les Forces armées canadiennes ont appuyé l'expédition. Elles ont d'abord parachuté sur le site 18 membres d'une troupe de génie qui on, sur la banquise, construit une piste d'atterrissage d'une longueur de 1,6 km; puis, elles y ont transporté le personnel et l'équipement dans des avions de type Hercules. Enfin, deux mois plus tard, elles se sont chargées du rapatriement des personnes et du matériel. Un levé de reconnaissance effectué précédemment au-dessus de la mer gelée au moyen d'un radar aéroporté à antenne latérale (SLAR) a permis la localisation de l'emplacement qui convenait à l'expédition. L'expédition CESAR a mené à bien plusieurs projets importants; entre autres, elle a effectué un levé bathymétrique et gravimétrique au-dessus du plateau continental de l'île Ellesmere et de la partie orientale de la dorsale Alpha. À partir des données fournies par l'expédition CESAR et celles de nature publique recueillies au cours des 35 dernières années, il a été possible de compiler des cartes bathymétriques à écart de 100 m entre les courbes et des cartes des anomalies gravimétriques à l'air libre à écart de 5 mGal entre les courbes. Ces cartes couvrent la région comprise entre la côte de l'île Ellesmere et 116° de longitude ouest. Sur les cartes des fonds marins, la dorsale Alpha ressemble à un très vaste ensemble montagneux à topographie accidentée où, de manière générale, dorsales et vallées s'étirent parallèlement à l'axe principal. Une importante vallée, d'orientation est sud-est, centrée sur la latitude 86°N et entre les longitudes 110° et 125° a été appelée « Cesar Trough ». Les crêtes adjacent ont été appelées « Cesar North Ridge » et « Cesar South Ridge ». La dorsale est séparée du plateau continental de l'île Ellesmere par une dépression dont la profondeur varie de 1800 à 2000 m. Au-dessus de la dorsale Alpha, les anomalies à l'air libre reflètent la bathymétrie. Des anomalies positives de forme elliptique concentrées autour de la bordure du plateau continental laissent supposer que la marge continentale adjacente à la dorsale Alpha possède la structure typique de la marge de l'Atlantique, qui caractérise le reste de la marge polaire nord-américaine. Une interprétation préliminaire du champ gravimétrique révèle que la croûte très épaisse de la dorsale Alpha est constituée de roches de densité et de composition latéralement uniforme. Il semble que le côté de la dorsale Alpha puisse être un massif de roches mafigues résultant de l'activité volcanique sous-marine.


The bowhead vs. the gray whale in Chukotkan aboriginal whaling   /   Krupnik, I.I.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 16-32, maps
ASTIS record 20213
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Active whaling for large baleen whales - mostly for bowhead (Balaena mysticetus) and gray whales (Eschrichtius robustus) - has been practiced by aborigines on the Chukotka Peninsula since at least the early centuries of the Christian era. The history of native whaling off Chukotka may be divided into four periods according to the hunting methods used and the primary species pursued: ancient or aboriginal (from earliest times up to the second half of the 19th century); traditional (second half of the 19th century to the 1930s); transitional (late 1930s to early 1960s); and modern (from the early 1960s). The data on bowhead/gray whale bone distribution in the ruins of aboriginal coastal sites, available catch data from native settlements from the late 19th century and local oral tradition prove to be valuable sources for identifying specific areas of aboriginal whaling off Chukotka. Until the 1930s, bowhead whales generally predominated in the native catch; gray whales were hunted periodically or locally along restricted parts of the coast. Some 8-10 bowheads and 3-5 gray whales were killed on the average in a "good year" by Chukotka natives during the early 20th century. Around the mid-20th century, however, bowheads were completely replaced by gray whales. On the basis of this experience, the author believes that the substitution of gray whales for bowheads, proposed recently by conservationists for modern Alaska Eskimos, would be unsuccessful.

Depuis au moins les premiers siècles de l'ère chrétienne, les aborigènes de la péninsule Chukotka ont fait une chasse active aux grandes baleines à fanons, en particulier la baleine boréale (Balaena mysticetus) et la baleine grise de Californie (Eschrichtius robustus). L'histoire de cette chasse autochtone à la baleine au large de la péninsule Chukotka peut être divisée en quatre périodes selon les méthodes de chasse utilisées et les espèces primaires poursuivies : la période ancienne ou autochtone (des premiers temps jusqu'à la deuxième moitié du 19e siècle); la période traditionnelle (deuxième moitié du 19e siècle jusqu'aux années 1930); la période transitionnelle (fin des années 1930 jusqu'au début des années 1960); et la période moderne (à partir du début des années 1960). Les données sur la distribution d'ossements de baleines boréales et grises dans les ruines de sites autochtones côtiers, les données de prises disponibles de colonies autochtones de la fin du 19e siècle et la tradition orale locale comportent des sources importantes permettant d'identifier les régions spécifiques de chasse à la baleine au large de la péninsule Chukotka. Jusqu'aux années 1930, les baleines boréales figuraient en première importance dans les prises autochtones; les baleines grises étaient chassées périodiquement ou localement le long de certaines parties de la côte. Lors d'une « bonne année », une moyenne de quelque 8 à 10 baleines boréales et de 3 à 5 baleines grises de Californie étaient tuées par les autochtones de Chukotka. Vers le milieu du 20e siècle cependant, les baleines boréales furent complètement remplacées par les baleines grises. Selon cette expérience, l'auteur croit que la substitution des baleines grises par des baleines boréales, proposée pour les Inuit modernes de l'Alaska par des partisans de la défense de l'environnement, ne connaîtrait aucun succès.


Aerial surveys for cetaceans in the former Akutan, Alaska, whaling grounds   /   Stewart, B.S.   Karl, S.A.   Yochem, P.K.   Leatherwood, S.   Laake, J.L.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 33-42, ill.
ASTIS record 20214
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Randomized aerial surveys were flown between 26 July and 26 August 1984 to search for cetaceans in two areas of southwestern Alaska: one on both Bering Sea and Pacific Ocean sides of the Aleutian Islands near the defunct Akutan shore-whaling station, which operated from 1912 through 1938, the other overlapping continental slope and shallow continental shelf waters between the Aleutians and the Pribilof Islands. ... Searches covered about 3940 nautical miles (nm), including some 2403 nm of random transects. Sightings were made of gray whales (10 sightings, 14 individuals), fin whales (3, 11), minke whales (1, 1), unidentified beaked whales (1, 6), Dall's porpoises (47, 131), killer whales (8, 26), and harbor porpoises (4, 7). A Fourier series model was used to estimate density of Dall's porpoises as 115 individuals (CV=0.263) per 1000 sq nm on the whaling grounds and 16.6 individuals (CV=0.0) per sq nm in the Bering Sea north of the whaling grounds. These estimates are comparable to those previously reported for the same general areas (97.2 animals per 1000 sq nm, SD=49.5). There were too few sightings of other cetaceans to permit calculation of meaningful density estimates. At least four species of great whales (blue, fin, humpback and sperm) were sufficiently abundant during the first four decades of this century to support significant whaling activities within about 100 sq nm of Akutan (more than 5300 whales were caught during 23 years of whaling, 1912-39). Although previous studies of the fisheries showed a downward trend in catch per unit of effort and an increase in distance traveled to take whales, whales were still being taken at relatively high rates (0.28-0.51 whales per gross catcher day) at the end of the fishery in 1939. Populations of fin, humpback, blue and sperm whales were probably significantly reduced by shore and pelagic whaling conducted widely in the North Pacific since 1939. ...

Des relevés aériens ont été effectués au hasard entre le 26 juillet et le 26 août 1984, afin de déterminer la présence de cétacés dans deux régions du Sud-Ouest de l'Alaska : l'une située des deux côtés des îles Aléoutiennes (du côté de la mer de Béring et du côté de l'océan Pacifique), près de ce qui fut jadis le port baleinier d'Akukan qui resta en opération de 1912 à 1939; l'autre couvrant à la fois les eaux du talus continental et celles, peu profondes, de la plate-forme continentale, entre les îles Aléoutiennes et les îles Pribilof. Les relevés furent effectués à des altitudes comprises entre 150 et 245 m, d'un appareil d'observation Partenavia P68, muni d'un nez de plexiglas, permettant de voir dans l'axe de déplacement. Les recherches ont été effectuées sur environ 3940 milles nautiques (mn), y compris 2403 mn de recoupements au hasard. One a relevé la présence de baleines grises (10 relevés, 14 individus), de rorquals communs (3, 11), de petits rorquals (1, 1), de baleines à bec non identifiées (1, 6), de marsouins de Dall (47, 131), d'épaulards (8, 26) et de marsouins communs. On a utilisé un modèle en séries de Fourier pour déterminer approximativement la densité de marsouins de Dall à 115 individus (CV = 0.263) aux 1000 mn² dans les zones de pêche à la baleine, et à 16.6 individus (CV = 0.0) aux 1000 mn² dans la mer de Béring au nord des zones de pêche. Ces évaluations sont comparables à celles rapportées précédemment pour ces mêmes zones en général (97.2 animaux aux 1000 mn², DS = 49.5). Trop peu d'autres cétacés ont été aperçus pour justifier le calcul des densités approximatives. Durant les quarante premières années de ce siècle, il y avait au moins quatre espèces de grandes baleines (rorquals bleus, rorquals communs, rorquals à bosse et cachalots) en quantité suffisante pour alimenter une industrie baleinière dans un rayon d'environ 100 mn d'Akutan. (Plus de 5300 baleines furent pêchées durant les 23 années que dura la pêche à la baleine, de 1912 à 1939). Bien que des études précédentes sur la pêche aient montré une tendance à la baisse du nombre de prises par rapport au nombre d'unités d'effort et une augmentation de la distance à parcourir pour capturer les baleines, celles-ci étaient capturées à un taux relativement élevé (de 0.28 à 0.51 baleine par unité d'effort brute par jour) à la fin de la pêche en 1939. Les populations de rorquals communs, de rorquals à bosse, de rorquals bleus et de cachalots ont probablement été réduites de façon significative par la pêche côtière et la pêche pélagique, qui ont été pratiquées à grande échelle dans le Pacifique Nord depuis 1939. Le petit nombre de cétacés aperçus durant les présents relevés porte à croire que les populations dans les zones de pêche et dans leur vicinité, restent peu élevées en raison de ces activités.


Analysis of arctic cod movements in the Beaufort Sea nearshore region, 1978-79   /   Moulton, L.L.   Tarbox, K.E.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 43-49, ill.
ASTIS record 20215
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A study was conducted to investigate distribution and abundance of arctic cod in the nearshore region of the Beaufort Sea. Data collection methods included 3 m otter trawl and hydroacoustic surveys. Temperature and conductivity measurements were taken throughout the study area on a regular basis. The results indicated that arctic cod are associated with a transition layer between a surface water mass, characterized by low salinity and high temperature, and a bottom water mass, characterized by high salinity and low temperature. Arctic cod apparently oriented to the shoreward edge of the marine water mass and redistributed themselves depending on the location of the shoreward edge. It is hypothesized that the transition layer concentrates food organisms, and this abundance of food may be one factor that induces shoals of arctic cod to utilize this transition layer.

Une étude a été menée afin de déterminer la distribution et l'abondance de la morue arctique dans la zone côtière de la mer de Beaufort. Les données ont été recueillies à l'aide d'un chalut à plateaux de 3 m et de relevés hydro-acoustiques. Des mesures de température et de conductivité ont été prises de façon régulière, dans toute la zone étudiée. Les résultats ont indiqué que la morue arctique est associée à une couche de transition entre une masse d'eau de surface, caractérisée par une faible salinité et une haute température, et une masse d'eau profonde, caractérisée par une forte salinité et une basse température. La morue arctique se dirigeait apparemment vers la limite côtière de la masse d'eau de mer et sa distribution suivait cette limite côtière. On peut avancer l'hypothèse que la couche de transition est très riche en éléments nutritifs, et que cette abondance de nourriture est un des facteurs qui amènent les bancs de morues arctiques à se servir de cette couche de transition.


Greenland - its economy and resources   /   Lyck, L.   Taagholt, J.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 50-59, ill., map
ASTIS record 20216
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This paper describes the development in Greenland toward greater autonomy, presenting economic statistics and what is known about the extent of its mineral deposits and energy resources. Until 1953 Greenland was a Danish colony. In 1953 it became a Danish country, and on 1 May 1979 it obtained home rule. In early 1985 Greenland left the European Economic Community (EEC). During this period Greenland obtained increasingly greater political autonomy. Up to World War II access to Greenland was greatly restricted by Denmark. Since World War II Greenland has developed a local national economy, characterized as small, mixed and vulnerable, with a big public sector and comprehensive foreign trade - an economy with strong growth, considerable inflation, the beginnings of unemployment problems and extreme dependence on capital inflow from Denmark and use of Danish skilled labour. As well, the population has been growing. In 1953 it was 25,000, of which 94% was born in Greenland. In 1985 it amounted to 52,000, 80% born in Greenland.

Ce dossier traite du développement au Groenland vers une autonomie plus grande et il donne des chiffres de l'économie du Groenland et un aperçu de ce que l'on sait de l'existence des dépôts minéraux et des ressources de l'énergie dans ce pays. Le Groenland avait le statut d'une colonie danoise jusqu'en 1953. Cette année-là le Groenland est devenu un département danois et le 1er mai 1979 le Groenland a obtenu l'autonomie. Au début de 1985 le Groenland a quitté la Communauté Économique Européenne (CEE). À la suite de ce développement politique le Groenland a obtenu de plus en plus une autogestion plus grande. Jusqu'à la deuxième guerre mondiale le Groenland était un territoire fermé. Depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale jusqu'à présent le Groenland a développé une économie nationale, locale que l'on peut définir comme une faible économie peu homogène et vulnérable avec un grand secteur public et un commerce extérieur d'importance, une économie en voie d'une forte croissance mais avec une inflation considérable et le commencement des problèmes du chômage. L'économie est extrêmement dépendante de capitale du Danmark et l'emploie d'ouvriers danois qualifiés. De plus, la population a augmenté. En 1953 la population était de 25 000 dont 94% était né au Groenland. En 1985 la population était de 52 000 dont 80% était né au Groenland.


An evaluation of household country food use in Makkovik, Labrador, July 1980-June 1981   /   Alton Mackey, M.G.   Orr, R.D.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 60-65
ASTIS record 20217
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Country food and wild food are the terms used by the people of the Labrador coast to describe the game fish and plants they obtain themselves. Country food continues to be important to the economic, physical and social well-being of the families in the communities on the Labrador coast. This study was designed to investigate the supply of country food to Makkovik, Labrador, population 333, during one food cycle from 2 July 1980 to 31 June 1981. This paper outlines the quantities of species harvested, the variations in household use and the apparent per capital consumption patterns. During the study year from July 1980 Makkovik households harvested a total of 28,397 kg of country mammals, fish and birds and 832 kg of berries from their environment. Caribou rangifer tarandus, Linnaeus, contributed the largest quantity of country food, 10,960 kg. Fish harvests amounted to 8574 kg and wildfowl harvests provided 5334 kg. The quantity of seals recorded during the study year was 3170 kg. This amount appears to be an underestimate of the expected level of harvest by the community. Other marine and land mammals did not contribute greatly to the local economy during the study year. Forty-three percent of participating households harvested 455 kg or more during the study year. These households represented 54% of the population and provided two-thirds of the total quantity of country food harvest. The community harvest of caribou, seals, birds and fish is not evenly distributed among households. Thirty-two percent of households had little or no access to caribou and 13% reported no seals. Fish and birds were more evenly distributed. People resident in 30 of the 61 households, representing 44% of the population, reported a per capita volume of country meat, fish and birds close to or above the national average per capita consumption for all meat, fish and poultry. Four households with 6% of the population harvested less than 25 kg per person and two households harvested more than 250 per capita.

C'est par l'expression « nourriture sauvage » que les habitants de la côte du Labrador désignent le gibier, les poissons et les plantes qu'ils se procurent eux-mêmes. La nourriture sauvage continue de jouer un rôle important dans le bien-être économique, physique et social des familles des localités situées sur la côte du Labrador. L'objectif de cette enquête était d'étudier l'approvisionnement en nourriture sauvage de Makkovik Labrador, 333 habitants, au cours d'un cycle alimentaire allant du 2 juillet 1980 au 31 juin 1981. Cette étude donne un aperçu des quantités d'espèces recueillies, des variations au niveau de la consommation de chaque foyer et les modes de consommation par habitant. Au cours de l'année d'étude, soit de juillet 1980 à juin 1981, les foyers de Makkovik ont amassé 28 397 kilos de mammifères de campagne, de poissons et d'oiseaux ainsi que 832 kilos de baies dans leur milieu. C'est le caribou Rangifer tarandus, Linnaeus, qui a constitué la plus grande quantité de nourriture sauvage, soit 10 960 kilos. Les prises de poissons se sont élevées à 8574 kilos et celles d'oiseaux sauvages à 5334 kilos. La quantité de phoques capturés durant l'année d'étude s'est élevée à 3170 kilos. Cette quantité semble être une sous-estimation du niveau prévu par la localité. Les autres mammifères marins et terrestres n'ont pas beaucoup contribué à l'économie locale durant l'année d'étude. Quarante-trois pour cent des foyers participants ont recueilli au minimum 455 kilos durant l'année d'étude. Ces foyers représentent 54% de la population et les quantités de nourriture récoltées par eux représentent les deux tiers du total des récoltes. Les prises de caribou, de phoques, d'oiseaux et de poissons ne sont pas réparties de manière égale entre les foyers. Trente-deux pour cent des foyers avaient un accès limité ou nul aux caribous et 13% ont signalé la capture d'aucun phoque. Les prises d'oiseaux et de poissons étaient plus équitablement distribuées. Les membres de 30 des 61 foyers représentant 44% de la population on fait état d'un volume de viande, de poisson et de volaille par tête à peu près égal ou supérieur à la moyenne nationale pour toute la viande, le poisson et la volaille. Quatre foyers, soit 6% de la population ont recueilli moins de 25 kilos par personne et deux foyers ont amassé plus de 250 kilos par tête.


My dear Beaufort : A personal letter from John Ross's arctic expedition of 1829-33   /   Holland, C.   Savelle, J.M.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 66-77, ill., map
ASTIS record 20218
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During his four years' residence in the Canadian Arctic in search of a Northwest Passage in 1829-33, John Ross wrote a private letter to Francis Beaufort, Hydrographer of the Navy. The letter, reproduced here, provides valuable historical insights into many aspects of Ross's character and of the expedition generally. His feelings of bitterness toward several of his contemporaries, especially John Barrow and William E. Parry, due to the ridicule suffered as a result of the failure of his first arctic voyage in 1818, are especially revealing, as is his apparently uneasy relationship with his nephew and second-in-command, James Clark Ross. Ross's increasing despair and pessimism with each succeeding enforced wintering and, eventually, the abandonment of the expedition ship Victory are also clearly evident. Finally, the understandable problems of maintaining crew discipline during the final year of the expedition, though downplayed, begin to emerge.

Durant les quatre années où il résida dans l'Arctique canadien à la recherche du Passage du Nord-Ouest, de 1829 à 1833, John Ross écrivit une lettre personnelle à Francis Beaufort, hydrographe de la marine. Cette lettre, reproduite ici, permet de mieux apprécier du point de vue historique, certains aspects du caractère de Ross et de l'expédition en général. Son sentiment d'amertume envers plusieurs de ses contemporains, surtout John Barrow et William E. Parry, en raison du ridicule qu'il endura suite à l'échec de son premier voyage dans l'Arctique de 1818, est particulièrement mis en évidence, de même que ses rapports apparemment difficiles avec son neveu et second, James Clark Ross. Le désespoir et le pessimisme croissants de Ross à la suite de chaque séjour hivernal forcé, qui se terminèrent par l'abandon du bateau de l'expédition, le Victory, ressortent nettement. Finalement, les problèmes qu'on peut facilement imaginer, reliés au maintien de la discipline de l'équipage durant la dernière année de l'expédition, bien que minimisés, commencent à apparaître nettement.


John Rae (1813-1893)   /   Houston, C.S.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 78-79, 2 ports.
ASTIS record 32635
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Dr. John Rae, who spent 22 years in British North America, accurately mapped more miles of North America's unknown northern coastline - excluding Hudson Bay - than did any other explorer. ... Unusually adaptable and a crack shot, he learned native methods of living off the land. Remarkably fit, he set records that have never been surpassed for speed and endurance on snowshoes. John Rae was born on 30 September 1813 in the Hall of Clestrain, near Stromness in the Orkney Islands. At age 16, he went to Edinburgh to study medicine and qualified as Licentiate of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh in 1833. His first medical job was as a surgeon on the Prince of Wales, the Hudson's Bay Company supply ship. A sailing ship of 400 tons, it carried 31 Orkneymen bound for employment at distant fur-trading posts. After loading the season's furs at Moose Factory, the Prince of Wales was turned back by heavy ice in the Hudson Strait and was forced to winter at Charlton Island in James Bay. There, Rae successfully treated his scurvy-afflicted men with cranberries and tender sprouts of the wild pea. Instead of returning to England, Rae accepted an offer from the Hudson's Bay Company of five years' employment as "clerk and surgeon." ... In 1844, Hudson's Bay Company Governor Sir George Simpson proposed that Rae complete the survey of the northern coastline of North America. After studying surveying in Toronto, Rae left York Factory in June 1846 with ten men and two 22-foot boats. In April 1847 the expedition crossed Rae Isthmus to reach Lord Mayor's Bay, mapping the shore of Simpson Peninsula on the return journey. They then explored the west coast of Melville Peninsula, the two legs adding up to 1,050 km of new coastline mapped. For the most part they lived off the land; Rae shot nearly as much game as the other 12 men together. Soon after Rae's return, Dr. John Richardson offered him the position of second-in-command on the first search expedition for the missing John Franklin. ... In 1851, Rae set out on his third expedition with two men, two sledges, and five dogs. After crossing Dolphin and Union Strait, they explored 270 new km of Victoria Island coastline on foot. They next used two boats to complete the 740 km of exploration of the southern and eastern shorelines of Victoria Island. When Rae turned back, Franklin's ships Erebus and Terror, were trapped in the ice only about 80 km to the east, although he did not know it. ... Rae's fourth and final expedition in 1853 was designed to complete the survey of the continental coastline for the Hudson's Bay Company. He explored the Quoich River for 335 km, wintered at Repulse Bay, and set out in March 1854. At Pelly Bay the Eskimos gave him second-hand news of the fate of the Franklin expedition - other Eskimos had seen dead and dying men about four years earlier. Rae mapped 430 new km of coastline along the west side of Boothia Peninsula, leaving 240 km south of Bellot Strait unexplored. He proved that King William Island was indeed an island, separated from Boothia Peninsula by what is now called Rae Strait. Back at Repulse Bay, Eskimos brought him a silver plate, a medal, and several forks and spoons with names or initials of Franklin and his officers. Rae did not risk his men in searching further for the bodies of Franklin's men, but instead rushed back to England to recall the other search parties, which were widely scattered in the wrong areas of the Arctic. When Rae presented his report and his Franklin relics to the Admiralty on 22 October 1854, he forthrightly told of the Eskimo account of cannibalism practised by the British sailors. In spite of strong opposition from Lady Franklin, Rae and his men received the £10,000 for ascertaining the fate of Franklin's party. ...


Edward Augustus Inglefield (1820-1894)   /   Stone, I.R.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 80-81, ill., 1 port.
ASTIS record 32636
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Inglefield was one of the large number of Royal Naval officers whose careers were advanced by participation in the Franklin search. This was a highly satisfactory time for such men as it provided ample opportunity for employment in a rigorous environment and in a cause in which there was a gratifyingly high level of public interest. The North was certainly much healthier than the other contemporary area in which naval initiative could be displayed - off the African coast in the suppression of the slave trade. In the Franklin search Inglefield did not, however, achieve the highest distinction. He visited the Arctic three times, but his second and third voyages were simply means of communications with Sir Edward Belcher's 1852-1854 expedition. His first voyage, on the other hand, did have one solid achievement that greatly redounded to Inglefield's credit, and this is sufficient reason for devoting attention to him. ... Inglefield was one of Lady Franklin's happier appointments. The expedition differed from the other expeditions in which she was active in that Inglefield was, himself, to "provide a crew, and what other fitments the vessel needed" for the voyage, on return from which the ship was to become his own property. ... The plan was to search Jones Sound and the west coast of Baffin Bay for traces of Franklin. The west coast of Greenland was examined on the outward voyage, and new discoveries of geographical features were made. Smith Sound was penetrated to a latitude of 78 28 21 N, "therefore placing the Isabel about 140 miles further than had been reached by any previous navigator, of whom we have any records." ... Jones Sound was investigated as far as 84 10 W, and then a visit was made to Beechey Island in Lancaster Sound, where communication was established with H.M.S. North Star, the depot ship of Belcher's expedition. Inglefield "pressed upon Captain Pullen the acceptance of all my surplus stores and provisions," but this offer was declined as Pullen was "prohibited by his commanding officer from in any way to interfere with a private vessel." Despite this, Inglefield made various presents to the officers' mess, including "preserved beef and ox cheek," and after exchanging letters, Isabel set sail. The eastern coast of Baffin Island was then examined, before the approach of winter forced the expedition home. ... Inglefield was well received at home and was awarded honours and medals. In the following year, the Admiralty appointed him to command a voyage by H.M.S. Phoenix and Breadalbane to take supplies to Belcher's expedition. ... The vessels arrived at Beechey Island on 8 August 1853, and Inglefield was immediately made aware of the difficult situation on the Belcher expedition arising from the character of its commander. ... Two unfortunate incidents occurred during this voyage: Breadalbane was lost off Cape Riley on 21 August, and Bellot, while carrying despatches up Wellington Channel, was drowned. Inglefield returned to England with the news that the crew of H.M.S. Investigator, which had attempted to penetrate the Canadian archipelago from the west, was safe and that the Northwest Passage had finally been discovered. He transported home Samuel Gurney Cresswell, of the Investigator, and Cresswell thus became the first person to travel through the Passage from end to end. Despite the loss of Breadalbane, Inglefield received the plaudits of the Admiralty and was appointed to conduct a similar voyage the following year. ... Upon arrival at Beechey Island, Inglefield discovered that all four of Belcher's ships and Investigator had been abandoned and that their crews were assembled on board North Star, the only remaining vessel. Most of the men were transported home in Inglefield's ships. ...


George Elson (ca. 1875-ca. 1950)   /   Davidson, J.W.   Rugge, J.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 82-83, ill., 1 port.
ASTIS record 32629
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... We know little of Elson's childhood. His father, a Scot, worked for the Hudson's Bay Company and, as was often the custom of the country, married a Cree. George grew up nurtured by both cultures, yet in some respects caught between them, like so many children of mixed parentage. In his mid-twenties, having worked for a survey crew of the Grand Trunk Railroad, he found himself in Missanabie, Ontario, when fate struck. A journalist from New York by the name of Leonidas Hubbard, Jr., had written the Hudson's Bay post, seeking a reliable outdoorsman for an expedition to Labrador on behalf of Outing magazine. When two other candidates did not pan out, Elson was chosen. Hubbard proved to be friendly and generous - full of an almost boyish enthusiasm. But he had never travelled the bush for an extended period, nor had his companion, Dillon Wallace, a New York attorney. Elson felt at home in the woods, but could not help wondering about the expedition's outfit. It included two rifles and pistols, but no shotgun, which would make winging birds much more difficult. Nor was Hubbard able to purchase a gill net in Labrador, as he had hoped. On July 15, 1903, the trio set off down Grand Lake from Northwest River Post, seeking to ascend the Naskapi River into central Labrador and witness the autumn caribou hunt of the Naskapi Indians. Anxious to make up for lost time, Hubbard missed the Naskapi River and instead headed up the tiny Susan Brook, which soon dwindled into a rock-filled obstacle course. As conditions worsened, Elson saw the threat of starvation looming. ... For the next month the men retraced their steps in raw weather. Elson, with remarkable skill, bagged an occasional goose, but with no shotgun and no gill net, the expedition's plight was desperate. Finally Hubbard collapsed, unable to proceed. Making him as comfortable as possible in a tent, Wallace and Elson continued down Susan Brook on October 18; three days later they parted in the midst of the season's first blizzard, Wallace to return to Hubbard with some moldy flour they had retrieved (left behind earlier in the expedition), Elson to go for help on Grand Lake. For five days, he stumbled through snowdrifts, his trousers in tatters, his feet wrapped in scraps of blanket. ... Reaching a trapper's cabin, he sped rescuers upstream, but Hubbard was beyond help. He had died the day of the parting. Wallace was only barely alive - a hardly recognizable skeleton. Over that winter he and Elson recovered at Northwest River Post and returned home in May 1904. ... Devastated by the loss of her husband, Mina Hubbard turned from grief to anger. Why had her husband perished, when the other men had not? ... When Wallace, still loyal to the memory of his friend, announced he was returning to Labrador to finish Hubbard's work, Mina secretly organized an expedition of her own. ... Thus when Wallace headed north in June 1905, he was surprised to find a female rival determined to upstage him - with an able woodsman in charge of the task. Under Elson's leadership, Mina Hubbard completed her expedition nearly flawlessly. The party visited the Naskapi, witnessed the caribou migration, and arrived at George River Post in Ungava Bay on August 29. Wallace, who became lost pioneering an alternate route, did not arrive until mid-October. But the most poignant aspect of the tale was that Elson, struck by Mina Hubbard's kindness and spirited humor, seems to have fallen in love. ... Little has been uncovered of Elson's later years. He married relatively late, to a Cree woman. Working for Revillon Fur Company, he settled at Moose Factory. Only once, in 1936, did he see Mina Hubbard again, when she visited him in her sixties. ...


Bishop Omer Robidoux, O.M.I. 1913-1986   /   Brandson, L.
Arctic, v. 40, no. 1, Mar. 1987, p. 84-85, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32630
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On the evening of 12 November 1986 Omer Robidoux, o.m.i., the Roman Catholic Bishop of the Central and Eastern Canadian Arctic, boarded his final northern flight and the Canadian North lost one of its strongest supporters. The twin-engined Navaho he was aboard tragically crashed after take-off at Rankin Inlet, N.W.T., killing all passengers, ... Toward the end of his novitiate as a matter of routine he was asked where he might like to undertake missionary work. His first choice was "Eskimo missions," but this was not to be until many years later. His first missionary work was with native Saulteaux Indians in Fort Alexander, Manitoba; following this, he was sent to Lestock, Saskatchewan. Beginning in 1947, the next 22 years of his life were devoted to ministry in Indian residential schools as a teacher, principal, superior and pastor in Lestock and Lebret, Saskatchewan, and in Winnipeg, Manitoba. ... In particular, sports and outdoor activities played an important part in the education they received at the hands of Father Robidoux, himself a former Montreal Canadian draft choice. In the summers Father Robidoux visited the various communities and homes of his students. Back in those days the study of one's native ancestry and traditions was not encouraged or sanctioned by the Department of Indian Affairs, but Father Robidoux always found a way to fit into the curriculum "unofficial projects" designed to instill a pride and understanding of the student's background. The call to go North came a few years later, in March 1970, when he was appointed Bishop of the Diocese of Churchill-Hudson Bay, which included the Central Arctic and Eastern Arctic of the Northwest Territories west from Gjoa Haven and south to Churchill, Manitoba, the Bishop's cathedral. ... His early actions in the Diocese were to confirm and fully support the beginning steps taken by the Diocese a few years earlier to involve and train the local laity in the communities to more fully participate in the ministry of the church. ... He served as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Churchill Northern Studies Centre from its inception in 1976 through 1984. ... The plight of the northern hunters and trappers as they faced the problems of increasing cost of equipment and the results of extensive anti-trapping propaganda in the South was a strong concern of Bishop Robidoux's. A public statement of support and information was issued from the Diocesan office in April 1986 to benefactors of the missions and interested parishes in western Canada and Great Britain. "Hunting and trapping activities are valuable activities not only to be measured in strict dollars and cents but in cultural integrity, as a gainful activity in an already fragile economy, for nutritional purposes, and Christian stewardship of northern lands." ... John Hicks, an Inuk from Churchill and a former president of Nunasi Corporation, said, the Bishop's genius was the quality of his friendship. You could talk to him anywhere, anytime about anything. He always had time. I valued his sharp, strong yet constructive criticisms. They were always given to you face to face and never mentioned behind your back. He was our sounding board for testing out new ideas. He would always say exactly what he thought, but never press his point. We would always leave him encouraged to go ahead with our aim of economic development by our people and for our people.


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