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Maps of the Arctic Basin sea floor : a history of bathymetry and its interpretation   /   Weber, J.R.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 121-142, figures
ASTIS record 11766
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The history of oceanographic exploration of the Arctic Ocean basin from the beginning of this century to the present is summarized. Soviet, U.S. and Canadian contributions after World War II are described in some detail including sounding methods and navigational techniques. The major bathymetric charts of the Arctic Ocean basin from 1954 on are discussed. Comparison of the LOREX bathymetric map with other maps reveals that the Lomonosov Ridge is accurately positioned on early Soviet maps but is grossly in error on later U.S. and Canadian maps. It is shown that map makers relied too much on early U.S. submarine data (the only such data that were declassified) and that the latest General Bathymetric Map of the Oceans (GEBCO) is therefore suspect of being inaccurate in areas where publicly available sounding data are scant.

Un résumé de l'historique de l'exploration du bassin océanique arctique depuis le début du siècle est présenté. Les contributions soviétiques, américaines et canadiennes depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale sont décrites avec quelques détails incluant des méthodes de sondage et des techniques de navigation. Les cartes bathymétriques principales du bassin océanique émises depuis 1954 sont discutées. La comparaison de la carte bathymétrique établie par LOREX avec d'autres cartes montre que l'emplacement de la dorsale de Lomonosov est exact sur les premières cartes établies par les Soviétiques, alors qu'il est erroné sur les cartes américaines et canadiennes plus récentes. Il est démontré que les cartographes se sont trop fiés sur les premières données sous-marines américaines (les seules données accessibles au public) et que, par conséquent, les données de la dernière édition de la carte bathymétrique générale des océans (GEBCO) peuvent être inexactes dans les régions où les résultats de sondages accessibles au public sont peu abondants.


Dynamics and community structure of zooplankton in the Davis Strait and northern Labrador Sea   /   Huntley, M.   Strong, K.W.   Dengler, A.T.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 143-161, ill.
ASTIS record 11767
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The dynamics and community structure of zooplankton in the Davis Strait and the northern Labrador Sea were studied over an annual cycle (23 April 1977 - 16 May 1978). "Biological spring", defined as the time of year which includes the annual phytoplankton increase and subsequent increases in zooplankton abundance, proceeds in a counterclockwise sense around the region. It is first observed in April near the southern Greenland coast, from where it proceeds north in the Davis Strait, then moves southward in the Baffin Current and along the retreating ice edge before reaching the Hudson Strait in September and October. Recurrent group analysis was used to identify communities of zooplankton in the region. Distributions of these groups were closely related to the hydrography. The West Greenland Drift is characterized by abundant populations of Calanus finmarchicus, C. hyperboreus, Oithona similis, Conchoecia obtusata, Metridia longa and Microcalanus pygmaeus. The colder, less saline water of the Baffin Current and the Hudson Strait arctic outflow are characterized by populations of Calanus glacialis and the early developmental stages of Pseudocalanus minutus. The breeding cycles of the three species of Calanus tend to be separated both spatially and temporally.

Le présent article étudie la dynamique et la structure communautaire du zooplancton dans le détroit de Davis et dans le nord de la mer du Labrador au cours d'un cycle annuel (du 23 avril 1977 au 16 mai 1978). Le "printemps biologique", cette période au cours de laquelle se produit une augmentation du phytoplancton suivie d'une augmentation dans la quantité de zooplancton, voit ces activités s'effectuer dans le sens inverse des aiguilles d'une montre. La première manifestation est observée en avril près de la côte sud du Groenland, d'où elle se poursuit au nord dans le détroit de Davis, puis vers le sud dans le courant de Baffin et suivant les contours reculants de la banquise pour arriver au détroit d'Hudson en septembre et en octobre. Des analyses périodiques de groupes ont permis d'identifier les communautés de zooplancton dans la région. La distribution de ces groupes est liée de près à l'hydrographie. La dérive ouest-groenlandaise est caractérisée par d'abondantes populations de Calanus finmarchicus, C. hyperboreus, Oithona similis, Conchoecia obtusata, Metridia longa et Microcalanus pygmaeus. L'eau plus froide et moins saline du courant de Baffin et de l'écoulement arctique du détroit d'Hudson est caractérisée par des populations de Calanus glacialis et des premiers stades de développement de Pseudocalanus minutus. Les cycles de reproduction pour les trois espèces de Calanus ont tendance à être indépendants selon leur nature spatiale et temporelle.


A distinctive large breeding population of ringed seals (Phoca hispida) inhabiting the Baffin Bay pack ice   /   Finley, K.J.   Miller, G.W.   Davis, R.A.   Koski, W.R.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 162-173, ill., 1 map
ASTIS record 11768
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Aerial surveys in June and July, 1978 and 1979, documented an unexpectedly large population (at least 417,000) of ringed seals, some with pups, inhabiting the pack ice of Baffin Bay. Pack-ice seals are smaller than their fast-ice counterparts and have a different diet and gut parasite load. Age and productive data, although limited, indicate that the offshore seals are a normal breeding population. Pack-ice seals probably mix with fast-ice seals in coastal areas during the brief open-water season but morphological and ecological differences suggest that the populations are reproductively isolated. This study prompts reconsideration of the importance of offshore pack ice to ringed seals and, therefore, to the coastal hunting economy of Inuit in Greenland and Baffin Island.

Des inventaires aériens effectués en juin et juillet, 1978 et 1979, ont documenté une population importante d'au moins 417 000 phoques annelés, certains accompagnés de jeunes, habitant le pack de la baie Baffin. Les phoques du pack sont plus petits que ceux de la banquise côtière et ont un régime alimentaire et des parasites intestinaux différents. Des données sur l'âge et le reproduction, quoique limitées, indiquent que les phoques au large des côtes suivent un cycle de reproduction normal. Les phoques du pack se mêlent probablement à ceux de la banquise dans les régions côtières durant la brève saison d'eau libre mais les différences morphologiques et écologiques suggèrent que les populations se reproduisent peut-être indépendamment l'une de l'autre. La présente étude encourage une reconsidération de l'importance du pack chez les phoques annelés et ainsi, de son importance dans 1'économie côtière des Inuit chasseurs du Groenland et de l'île de Baffin.


Ethnoarchaeological perspectives on an Athapaskan moose kill   /   Jarvenpa, R.   Brumbach, H.J.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 174-184, figures
ASTIS record 11769
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A recent development in anthropology involves examination of living human populations in an attempt to better understand the "formation processes" that create archaeological remains. An ethnologist and an archaeologist collaborated in the observation and analysis of procurement, butchering and distribution of moose among a group of contemporary Athapaskan (Chipewyan) Indians in northwestern Saskatchewan in 1977. Subtleties in the behavior of one particular hunting party illustrate the complexity and variability of skeletal and anatomical spatial distributions accompanying various stages in processing, distributing and consuming a moose (Alces alces andersoni). Variables such as seasonality, proximity to a major settlement, transportation technology, sexual division of labor and ideational factors heavily influence the formation of archaeo-faunal remains within several components of a regional settlement system.

Une recherche anthropologique récente comporte l'étude de populations vivantes en visant une meilleure compréhension des processus qui forment les restes archéologiques. Une ethnologue et un archéologue ont collaboré dans l'observation et l'analyse des méthodes d'obtention, de boucherie et de distribution d'orignal au sein du'une groupe contemporain d'indiens athapascans (Chipewyans) dans le nord-ouest de la Saskatchewan. Les subtilités dans le comportement d'un groupe particulier de chasseurs démontrent la complexité et la variabilité des distributions spatiales anatomiques et squelettiques suivant les diverses étapes du dépeçage, de la distribution et de la consommation d'un orignal (Alces alces andersoni). Des variables telles que le caractère saisonnier, la proximité à un site majeur d'habitation, la technologie du transport et l'ingéniosité influencent de façon importante la formation de restes archéologiques animaux dans de nombreuses composantes d'une habitation régionale.


Waterfowl kill by Cree hunters of the Hudson Bay lowland, Ontario   /   Prevett, J.P.   Lumsden, H.G.   Johnson, F.C.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 185-192, figure, tables
Wildlife research contribution - Ontario. Ministry of Natural Resources, no. 81- 20
ASTIS record 11770
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From 1974 to 1976 annual interviews were conducted with 97% of male Indian potential hunters at James Bay and Hudson Bay coastal villages to determine waterfowl kill. Sample interviews were conducted at inland villages. Of those interviewed at coastal communities, 87% hunted waterfowl. The mean yearly take of all species ranged from 55 to 145 birds per hunter. Lesser Snow Geese and large Canada Geese were the main prey, averaging 38,350 and 23,152 birds shot per year, respectively. Small numbers of other goose species were taken. The duck kill averaged 22,715. Eighty percent of the large Canada Goose kill occurred in spring; 76% of Snow Geese were taken in fall. Considerable inter-year variation in total kill occurred. The take for the highest kill year (1975-76) exceeded that for the lowest (1976-77) by 61% for Snow Geese and 34% for large Canada Geese; the spring kill was particularly variable. The kill of Snow Geese has apparently increased by a factor of 2, and that of large Canada Geese by a factor of 3, since the mid-1950s. Through analysis of band recoveries, the kill was determined to have been apportioned among separately managed stocks. The Indian kill made up approximately 13% of the total hunting kill of the Tennessee Valley Population, 9% of the Mississippi Valley Population, and 7% of Hudson Bay Lesser Snow Geese.

De 1974 à 1976, nous avons interviewé chaque année 97% des chasseurs indiens males possibles dans les villages côtiers de la baie d'Hudson et de la baie James, en Ontario, ainsi que dans villages intérieurs servant d'échantillons, afin de déterminer le nombre d'oiseaux marins tués. Quatre-vingt-sept pour cent des hommes interviewés dans les communautés côtières faisaient la chasse aux oiseaux marins. Le nombre annuel moyen de proies comptant toutes les espèces variait entre 55 et 145 oiseaux par chasseur dans divers villages. Les oies blanches de taille inférieure et les bernaches canadiennes de grosse taille étaient les proies principales, moyennant 38 350 et 23 152 oiseaux tirés par année, respectivement. D'autres espèces d'oies étaient prises en petites quantités. Une moyenne de 22 715 canards furent aussi tués. Quatre-vingt pour cent de la prise de grosses bernaches canadiennes s'effectuait au printemps et 76% des oies blanches étaient tuées en automne. Le nombre total d'oiseaux tués variait de façon considérable d'année. Le plus haut pourcentage (1975-76) excédait le pourcentage le moins élevé (1976-77) de 61% pour l'oie blanche et de 34% pour les grosses bernaches, les variations printanières étant particulièrement marquées. Les prises d'oies blanches semblent avoir doublé, et celles de bernaches semblent avoir triplé, depuis le milieu des années '50. Au moyen de l'analyse du retour de bagues, les prises ont été réparties parmi des groupes séparément contrôlés. Les prises indiennes formaient environ 13% de la chasse totale de la population de la vallée du Tennessee, 9% de la population de la vallée du Mississippi, et 7% des oies blanches de taille inférieure dans la baie d'Hudson.


Movements and activity budgets of caribou near oil drilling sites in the Sagavanirktok River floodplain, Alaska   /   Fancy, S.G.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 193-197, figures, tables
ASTIS record 11771
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Movements and activity patterns were compared for caribou (Rangifer tarandus granti) near two active drilling sites on the periphery of the Prudhoe Bay oilfield and for caribou from a control site. Caribou on the experimental and control sites had similar movement rates and activity budgets, but many localized responses to the roads, pipelines, vehicle traffic, and other structures and activities were observed. Insect harassment had an appreciable effect on caribou movements and activity budgets. Groups harassed by insects moved approximately twice as fast and spent at least 50% less time lying and feeding than did unharassed groups. Of the 99 groups that approached a road, pipeline, and/or drill site, 70.7% crossed directly, 19.2% detoured around the drill site, and 10.1% reversed direction and left the study area. No evidence was found that caribou cows and calves were avoiding the area because of drilling operations.

Les mouvements et activités du caribou (Rangifer tarandus granti) sont comparés près de deux sites de forage actif dans la périphérie du champ de pétrole de la baie Prudhoe ainsi que dans un site de contrôle. Les caribous dans les sites expérimentaux et de contrôle présentaient un taux de mouvement et un régime d'activité semblables, mais on observa un bon nombre de réactions localisées aux routes, aux pipelines, à la circulation de véhicules et à d'autres structures et activités. Les tourments infligés par les insectes ont eu un effet appréciable sur les mouvements et le régime d'activité. Les groupes tourmentés par les insectes se déplaçaient environ deux fois plus vite que les groupes non tourmentés, et passaient environ 50% moins de temps à se nourrir et à se reposer que ces derniers. Des 99 groupes ayant approché une route, un pipeline et/ou un site de forage 70.7% traversaient directement, 19.2% faisaient un détour autour du site de forage, et 10.1% faisaient demi-tour et quittaient le champ d'étude. Aucune preuve n'a indiqué que les vaches et les veaux des caribous évitaient la région à cause des travaux de forage.


Permafrost development in the intertidal zone at Churchill, Manitoba : a possible mechanism for accelerated beach lift   /   Hansell, R.I.C.   Scott, P.A.   Staniforth, R.   Svoboda, J.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 198-203, figures, table
ASTIS record 11772
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Boreholes drilled in the Beech Bay area during July to November 1929 indicated that a sill of permafrost had extended below the high-water line, tapering in depth towards low water. The boreholes revealed thick layers of fine sediments on top of deep underlain bedrock. Recent borings determined the upper limits of permafrost in 1981. Examination of the data shows that there has been a permafrost expansion into the emerging tidal zone. These observations suggest an additional mechanism for accelerated uplift of coastal exposed "soft" sediments: the vertical expansion of refrozen, water-saturated silts and clays as new permafrost forms. The existing rates of isostatic uplift are enhanced by the process.

Des carottes prises dans la région de la baie Beech entre juillet et novembre 1929 ont indiqué qu'un seuil de pergélisol s'étendait au-dessous du niveau des hautes mers, diminuant en profondeur en approchant le niveau des basses mers. Les carottes révèlant des couches épaisses de fins sédiments reposant sur un profond soubassement. Des carottes récentes ont déterminé les limites supérieures du pergélisol en 1981. L'étude des données signales une expansion du pergélisol dans la zone intertidale surgissante. Ces observations suggèrent un mécanisme additionnel accélérant la levée des sédiments "mous" exposés le long des côtes par l'expansion verticale de vases et de glaises saturés d'eau et congelées à nouveau sous de nouvelles formes de pergélisol. Le taux de levée isostatique est augmenté par le processus.


A unique International Polar Year contribution : Lucien Turner, capelin, and climatic change   /   Dunbar, M.J.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 204-205
ASTIS record 11773
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Lucien McShann Turner (1847-1909), one of the most able field naturalists in North America in his day, spent two years (1882-84) at Fort Chimo, Quebec, as meteorological observer for the U.S. Army Signal Service during the first International Polar Year. Among his many activities over and above his IPY duties was the collection and description of the fishes of the region. This paper reports on the significance of Turner's first record, in 1884, of the presence of the capelin (Malotus villosus) in very large numbers at the mouth of the Koksoak River. Mallotus is an excellent indicator of marine climate conditions, and the subsequent records of its presence and absence in Ungava Bay are reviewed in relation to climatic change in the North Atlantic-Subarctic region in general.

Lucien McShann Turner (1847-1909), l'un des meilleurs naturalistes sur le terrain en Amérique du Nord en son époque, passa deux ans à Fort-Chimo, au Québec, à titre d'observateur météorologique pour l'U.S. Army Signal Service au cours de la première Année polaire internationale (A.P.I.). En plus de ses devoirs découlant de l'A.P.I., il s'occupa à collectionner et à décrire les poissons de la région. Le présent article signale l'importance du premier rapport de Turner en 1884, portant sur la présence du capelin (Mallotus villosus) en grands nombres dans l'embouchure de la rivière Koksoak. Mallotus est un excellent indicateur de conditions climatiques marines, et les données signalant la présence ou l'absence du Mallotus dans la baie d'Ungava sont étudiées par rapport aux variations climatiques dans la région nord-atlantique-subarctique en général.


Matonabbee (ca. 1736-1782)   /   Glover, R.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 206-207, ill.
ASTIS record 32567
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... one may doubt whether either ... [Sitting Bull or Tekumseh] was abler than the Chipewyan diplomat, trader, and explorer, Matonabbee - Samuel Hearne's guide on his final, and successful, journey to the Coppermine River. ... Nearly all we know about him comes from Hearne, who was so long employed at that post. ... At Churchill Matonabbee learned much. He became a "perfect master" of the Cree language, as well as his native Chipewyan; he "made some progress in English" too. Hearne records the interesting fact that he could "tell a better story of our Saviour's birth and life than one half of those who call themselves Christians" - but he never believed it! However, adds Hearne, no man could "have been more punctual in the performance of a promise" and his "adherence to truth" was "scrupulous." Physically, he grew to be "nearly six feet high", and he was "one of the finest and best proportioned men" that Hearne ever saw. He certainly did not lack courage. In view of these qualities Ferdinand Jacobs made a good choice in selecting Matonabbee "when but a youth as an Ambassador" to make peace between the Chipewyans and the far western Crees of Athabasca. This task was dangerous, because the Crees were treacherous, and slow, because the tribal feud was old and deep-seated. But Matonabbee was alert enough to baffle all Cree plots, and brave and patient enough to repeat his visits to them "for several years successively; and at length, by a uniform display of his pacific disposition and by rendering a long train of good offices to those Indians, in return for their treachery and perfidy," he succeeded "in not only bringing about a lasting peace, but also of establishing a trade and reciprocal interest between the two nations." It was doubtless during these early peace-making journeys that Matonabbee took up the career of being one of those "Leading Indians" who were so important in the fur trade. ...


Akaitcho (ca. 1786-1838)   /   Helm, J.   Gillespie, B.C.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 208-209, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32568
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The Yellowknife Indian leader Akaitcho stepped upon the stage of Canadian history in the afternoon of 30 July 1820 when he met Captain John Franklin and affirmed his willingness to guide and provision Franklin's expedition of exploration "to the shores of the polar sea". ... Known in Franklin's time as Copper Indians, the Yellowknives were the northwesternmost division of the widespread Chipewyan peoples. ... Ranging broadly in the caribou lands from the East Arm of Great Slave Lake to the Coppermine River, Akaitcho and the Yellowknives traded as meat provisioners into the North West Company post of Fort Providence on the North Arm of Great Slave Lake. For at least a decade the Yellowknives had pillaged furs, stolen women, and occasionally killed Dogrib and Hare Indians, their neighbours to the west and northwest. Dogribs were forced to avoid parts of their traditional hunting range during Akaitcho's years of aggressive leadership. ... When, after the terrible overland return from the arctic coast, the starving remnants of the Franklin expedition were rescued by Yellowknives, Akaitcho revealed another facet of his character. Treated with the "utmost tenderness" by their rescuers, Franklin and his party from Fort Enterprise were conveyed to the camp of "our chief and companion Akaitcho." ... In consequence of the merger of the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, the post of Fort Providence had closed in 1823. Akaitcho and the Yellowknives now perforce had to direct their trade into Fort Resolution in company with Chipewyans already attached to that post. (Their intermarriage and absorption into that population brought the eventual disappearance of the Yellowknives as a distinct people.) Driven by vengeance or desperation over killings perpetrated by Yellowknives earlier in the year, in October of 1823 Dogribs attacked the Yellowknife Long Legs and his band, who were encamped in the area between Hottah Lake and Great Bear Lake. Thirty-four Yellowknives perished - four men, thirteen women, and seventeen children. This was a bitter reversal. Akaitcho refused to join Franklin's expedition to Great Bear Lake, sending word that he and his hunters would not go into the lands where their kinsmen had died, "lest we should attempt to renew the war." "Peace" took the form of mutual avoidance between Dogribs and Akaitcho's band. In 1829 a tense encounter, apparently the first since the destruction of Long Legs's band, was resolved without bloodshed. ...


Robert Hood (1797-1821)   /   Houston, C.S.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 210-211, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32569
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Robert Hood was a junior officer with the badly timed, inadequately supplied first Arctic Land Expedition led by John Franklin in 1819-22. Hood made a major contribution to the expedition's incredibly accurate mapping of over 600 miles of coastline, which, in the words of L.H. Neatby, "put a roof on the map of Canada." Hood was the first to prove the action of the aurora borealis on the compass needle and to show that the aurora was an electrical phenomenon. He also made important contributions to our knowledge of terrestrial magnetism, climatology, anthropology, and natural history. Hood's journal, a less formal and more sprightly account of the journey than Franklin's, was published with many of his watercolour paintings 153 years after his tragic death on the Barrenlands. ... Hood contributed in full measure to the success of the first expedition before he paid the supreme sacrifice - and his journals and paintings remain one of the earliest and most vivid records of life in the Canadian North. Although his promising career was terminated prematurely, his memory is perpetuated by a flower, the moss phlox, Phlox hoodii, a sedge, Carex hoodii, the thirteen-striped squirrel, Citellus tridecemlineatus hoodii, and by the mighty Hood River that plunges over Wilberforce Falls before entering the Arctic Ocean.


Franz Boas (1858-1942)   /   Ludger, M.-W.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 212-213, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32570
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A desire to delve into "the simple relationships between man and land" among the Baffin Island Inuit was the ambitious goal of a 25-year-old German scientist who left Hamburg aboard the Germania on 20 June 1883. The schooner was bound for Kingua Fjord in Cumberland Sound, where the young German would stay for a year, the Germania herself returning home with the German scientific team of the First International Polar Year 1882/83. That voyage - one hundred years ago - marked the beginning of intensive and innovative field work on Inuit geographical perception, social and economic organization, and religious beliefs. In retrospect, this research was also the pivot of an extraordinary scientific career of an influential and farsighted man who shaped modern anthropology in North America - Franz Boas. All his life Boas encouraged rigorous scientific work and international cooperation; moreover, as a conscientious citizen and scientist, he energetically fought cultural and racial prejudices, the implications of which he was keenly aware, having been exposed to them as a Jew in his homeland of Germany. His arctic endeavours, although only a small part of his scientific work, not only advanced the discipline of anthropology in general, but contributed immensely to our knowledge of man-land relations and Inuit culture in the Canadian North. ... His curiosity about the Inuit and their arctic environment grew out of the question of how environmental influences on human behaviour affect spatial distribution. ... Covering nearly 4000 km on foot, by sled, and by boat, Boas showed no signs of physical fatigue, always pushing himself to the very limit. He vigorously pursued his scientific goals but never neglected to ask for local advice and to adjust to unforeseen circumstances, such as when canine disease left him without dogs for long stretches. With simple instruments he charted the configurations of Cumberland Sound and the east coast of Baffin Island, producing a map that served as a reference into the twentieth century. His relationship with the Inuit was based on mutual respect and appreciation, evident in his sole use of native place-names and in his criticism of explorers and whalers, who arrogantly and whimsically assigned European names, thus creating never-ending confusion. His dedication to the people and their culture was dictated not by a romantic perception of the "native", but rather by the urgent feeling that as much as possible of the cultural tradition of the Inuit must be preserved, an approach he followed in his later work among the Northwest Coast Indians and instilled in his students. The enormous body of information on Inuit culture, so valuable to today's Inuit, found its way into two major English publication that still retain their immediacy and are accepted source books. ...


George Weetaltuk (ca. 1862-1956)   /   Freeman, M.M.R.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 214-215, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32571
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The historic Inuit occupation of the James Bay region is largely associated with the name of one man, George Weetaltuk. This Inuit leader was a respected Hudson's Bay Company pilot, boat builder, and artist, as well as patriarch of the Cape Hope Island Inuit community. His reputation and accomplishments are attested to in various written sources, and his many drawings comprise the earliest extensive collection of Canadian Inuit graphic art. One of the earliest and most widely reproduced of Weetaltuk's sketches is his 1910 map of the (then unknown to map-makers) Belcher Islands archipelago in Hudson Bay. This remarkable map, drawn about twenty years after Weetaltuk had left the Belcher Islands to live in James Bay, led Robert Flaherty to search for and subsequently explore the Belcher Islands during the years 1914-1916. ... Between 1930 and 1950 Weetaltuk gained fame as a canoe and boat builder. He had constructed a sawmill and a steamer on the island for shaping wood, and there he built the renowned Cape Hope Island canoes, which are still being made today in Poste de la Baleine, Quebec, by his descendants. However, especially noteworthy were the three large, masted boats he built; the largest, the Carwyn, was over 50 feet long and was built in 1944 when Weetaltuk was more than 80 years old. The first large boat he built was resold by the Hudson's Bay Company to the Roman Catholic missions, who renamed it Notre Dame de l'Esperance, and under that name it sailed the East Main and Labrador coasts for many years. ... Weetaltuk's woodworking skills resulted in the arrival of many orders for handmade furniture, from cities and towns all over Canada and the United States. The Anglican churches at Old Factory, Quebec, and Moose Factory, Ontario, commissioned him to carve their ornate bishop's chairs. The Cape Hope Island community consisted, for the most part, of Weetaltuk's descendants, and was the most southerly Inuit community in Canada until its relocation in 1960. The community enjoyed harmonious relations with adjacent James Bay Cree communities, and all the Inuit spoke Cree (several spoke French and English too). ...


Albert Faille (1887-1973)   /   Turner, D.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 216-217, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32572
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... Albert Faille was a simple man with no pretensions, a scanty formal education, and little knowledge of the academic world. But he was an excellent woodsman, and having spent much of his life on inland waters, he grew remarkable in his ability to navigate fast-flowing mountain streams. An inveterate "loner" without being eccentric or irascible, he had an unerring sense of direction and would often spend the summer months exploring mountain passes and valleys. In winter he trapped fur-bearing animals in order to pay for his supplies and equipment. Each summer in June, he came down the rivers to Fort Simpson, which at that time was an isolated trading-post at the junction of the Liard and Mackenzie rivers. He travelled by dog-team in winter; in summer, he walked overland with a pack on his back or canoed on the navigable streams. These explorations took him into areas where few, if any, white men had walked before. Beginning in the 1950s, he appeared in three different television documentaries wherein it was suggested that his obsession was to find a lost placer gold deposit. He did indeed spend much time in that fruitless search, but those who knew him well realized that it was a deep love for the woods, the wilderness, and the fast-moving mountain streams that amounted to an obsession, rather than the search for gold itself. Men who knew him, and who lived the same kind of life Albert Faille lived, were impressed with the quality of his character, his temperament, and his abilities. ... In retrospect, it can be seen that the contribution Alberta Faille made to Canada's North was twofold. Largely as a result of press publicity he generated, public attention was drawn to the remarkable scenic areas of the South Nahanni River and its Virginia Falls. Canadian federal authorities took note, and following Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's trip into the region by airplane and river boat, the present Nahanni National Park was created. The second part of his contribution was inadvertent and less obvious, but just as real and perhaps of a more profound importance: interest in Albert Faille and his life as a trapper, prospector, and explorer inspired several writers to record his exploits in the North. Both adults and children now know of Faille at first-hand through these accounts. The writings in turn have led to a more extensive and accurate picture of the life of a northern pioneer and have laid to rest some of the misconceptions of early life in the Canadian North. At the age of 70, he still plied the waters of the South Nahanni River with his little wooden boat. He passed away quietly early in 1973 at the age of 86.


Ikey Angotisiak Bolt (1894-1981)   /   Sperry, J.R.
Arctic, v. 36, no. 2, June 1983, p. 218-219, 1 port.
ASTIS record 32573
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The arrival of the Canadian Arctic Expedition (1913-1918) was of profound influence in exposing the Copper Eskimo of Coronation Gulf and Victoria Island to the culture, lifestyle, and technology of Caucasian North America. And Ikey Bolt was one of the most outstanding members of that party. He was an Alaskan Eskimo who, far from his native land, made his home among these people and built a reputation for integrity and community service that will not easily be forgotten. Ikey Bolt was born in Point Hope, Alaska, on 19 January 1894, in a whale-hunting culture that provided him with stories of the hunt with which he would regale his listeners all his life. Recruited in his late teens as an interpreter for the Canadian Arctic Expedition, he made his initial trip to Canada. ... The best appreciation of Ikey Bolt's contribution to the region can only be understood in the context of the times. Here is a native Alaskan whose people had been long exposed to the influence of southerners in the traumatic whaling era, a period of mixed blessings if ever there was one. In joining the Canadian Arctic Expedition he made contact with a people who were literally just emerging from the Stone Age, a people who had no steady contact with explorers until the Canadian Arctic Expedition arrived. They hunted with harpoons and with bows and arrows, and they had no recourse to any products of southern technology except for bits of iron traded with distant neighbours who had obtained them from abandoned ships. The introduction of a different way of life - new methods of trapping animals to be exchanged for trade goods - had all the potential for cultural devastation and the erosion of even the best of their indigenous philosophy. But the presence and influence of natives who had themselves survived similar upheavals and yet maintained a strong sense of spiritual and cultural values made a profound difference. ...


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